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Koncept stambenih klasa u sociologiji gradova
 
Pojam stambenih klasa uveo je John Rex (Pahl, 1973: 63) smatrajuci da konflikti na stambenom tržištu i unutar stambenog sistema nisu u potpunosti objašnjivi terminima klasnih razlika, jer grupe istih klasnih pozicija mogu imati sasvim drugacije pozicije u stambenom sistemu (koju odreduje upotrebna i tržišna vrednost stana, odnosno pravo raspolaganja stanom po osnovu ne/vlasništva), što uslovljava razlicitost šireg spektra interesa, ciljeva, životnih stilova te ukupne pozicije u urbanoj socijalnoj strukturi. Stanovanje se kao nezavisni indikator socijalnog statusa smatra važnim ne samo zato što je to potrošacko dobro velike materijalne vrednosti vec i zato što se može kapitalizovati i nasledivati i tako bitno uticati na životne šanse. Pahl (1975) je medu prvim autorima izneo tvrdnju da vlasništvo nad stanom omogucava akumulaciju bogatstva, a Saunders je razvio ovu tezu te naglasio znacaj podela u sektoru potrošnje pri analizi socijalne stratifikacije, jer klase više nisu glavna osnova podela u savremenom kapitalistickom društvu. Pri tome, on podvlaci razliku izmedu onih koji svoje osnovne potrebe zadovoljavaju sredstvima potrošnje u licnom vlasništvu i onih koji to cine oslanjajuci se na sredstva kolektivne potrošnje (Saunders, 1984:208). Posebno naglašava da stambeni statusi (vlasnicki naspram rentalnog), koji se po ovom osnovu razlikuju, kreiraju podele koje ne slede tradicionalne klasne linije, a koje mogu biti jednako znacajne za razumevanje društvenih podela i politickih konflikata (1984:207). Iako prihvata da klasna pozicija postavlja ogranicenja potrošackoj poziciji, smatra da prva ne determiniše u potpunosti drugu, te da nije neophodna njihova korespondencija.
Harvey (1990), slicno Castellsu, ukazuje na demokratski potencijal lokalnih zajednica, smatra da fleksibilna akumulacija otvara nove puteve socijalne promene upravo kroz razvoj alternativa na lokalnom nivou, pri cemu posebno istice kooperativne forme organizacije rada, kao i socijalnu konsolidaciju neformalnog sektora u okviru zajednica nastanjenih nižim dohodovnim grupama i deprivilegovanim stanovništvom. Kao i Castells, ukazuje na potrebu povezivanja lokalnih zajednica, a pitanje potencijala navedenih aktera za kvalitativnu promene ostavlja nedovoljno odredenim.
Posvecujuci pažnju upravo mogucim akterima socijalne promene Harloe i S. Fainstein (1992: 263) smatraju da odsustvo progresivne koalicije nije posledica postojanja vecine kojoj je dobro, vec fragmentacije onih ciji je dobitak tokom tranzicije bio protivrecan ili nikakav. Pri tome, podsecaju da negativni efekti restruktuiranja nisu pogodili samo siromašne vec da je povecanje nesigurnosti posla i zarada karakteristika vecine. Posebno ukazuju na povecanu napetost velikog broja pripadnika srednje klase s obzirom, s jedne strane, na dostupne mogucnosti zadovoljavanja stambenih i drugih potreba kroz urbane resurse i, s druge strane, na željeni stil života. Naime, privatizacija stambene politike uslovljava neophodnost dvojnog dohotka u domacinstvima srednje klase i percepciju redukovanosti raspoloživih sredstava, što pojacava osecaj ekonomske ranjivosti. Smatrajuci da akcioni potencijal nižih socijalnih slojeva nije dovoljan, oni ukazuju da bez obnavljanja reformisticke urbane/stambene politike medu srednjom klasom nema perspektive za promenu.
Autori neoveberijanskog pristupa u tradiciju vrednosne neutralnosti ukazuju na porast stambenih nejednakosti i prostorne segregacije, odnosno na efekat gvozdenog zakona stambenog tržišta kao posledice slabljenje principa univerzalnog reciprociteta redistributivne države blagostanja. To uslovljava rekomodifikaciju bitnih uslova života, a u uslovima oslabljenog dekomodifikujuceg potencijala porodice i drugih institucija (preduzeca i sl.) rezultira porastom urbane bede odredenih druš-tvenih grupa. Ukazujuci na neophodnost kombinovanja državne intervencije i tržišnih mehanizama u domenu urbanih/stambenih resursa traže se optimalna rešenja sa svešcu da su ona dinamicka kategorija, kako u prostornom tako i vremenskom smislu (Priemus, 1997:15). Pri tome, ukazuje se na odgovarajuce politicke opcije u tradiciji sociodemokratskog tipa koje obezbeduju tranziciju od privatnih strategija snalaženja ka institucionalnoj solidarnosti koja pokazuje prednosti kako u domenu individualne zaštite tako i na planu grupne kohezije i kooperativnosti [21]. U traganju za rešenjima problema marginalizacije i socijalnog raslojavanja, koje generira tranziciona kriza iz jednog sistema socijalne integracije u drugi, ocekuje se obnovljena važnost reciprocitetnih mehanizama na raznim nivoima, pri cemu sve veci broj istraživanja obraca pažnju na samoorganizovanje gradana, posebno u okviru jedinica susedstva].
Autori ovog pristupa ukazuju i na problem adekvatne operacionalizacije socijalnih prava, naime, na odsustvo direktne jednakosti izmedu aspekta definisanog zakonom, legitimnih ocekivanja gradana i onoga što oni realno dobijaju po osnovu socijalnog prava. S obzirom da je kod socijalnih prava kvalitativna dimenzija veoma izražena, postoji teškoca njegovog preciznog definisanja. Tako, pravo na stan svakom pojedincu može biti dato kao opšte pravo, ali je njegova implementacija uvek kontekstualno odredena, što bitno utice na kvalitativnu dimenziju ostvarivanja ovog prava, ciji se varijeteti ne mogu obuhvatiti zakonom. Takode, legitimna ocekivanja gradana u odnosu na isto socijalno pravo razlikuju se usled razlicitih referentnih okvira procene, pri cemu je lokalni milje veoma znacajan. Na kraju, servisi koji se smatraju pretpostavkama ostvarivanja socijalnih prava distribuiraju se lokalno, te u tom aspektu zavise od lokalnih fondova, ali i od percepcije potreba korisnika od strane lokalne vlasti. Rešenje ovih dilema autori nalaze u procesu pregovaranja na institucionalizovan nacin, cija pravila omogucuju maksimalno ispoljavanje konflikata i protivrecnosti medu ukljucenim akterima, dakle, u tradiciji teorije korporativizma, po kojoj je karakter urbane/stambene politike pre svega odreden pitanjem organizovanosti aktera u sistemu snabdevanja ovim resursima (Mandic, 1996:26).
Razmatrajuci moguce opcije buduce državne intervencije, Szelenyi i Ladanyi (1997) ukazuju na neophodnost traganja za trecim putem, koji bi kombinovao pozitivne aspekte tradicionalnog sociodemokratskog pristupa, kao i neoliberalizma [24]. Inovativna ideja novih sociodemokrata, prema ovim autorima, jeste jacanje uloge države, ali na nov nacin, pri cemu je kljucna ideja kombinovanje upravljanja tražnjom i podsticanja ponude, što se može postici ukoliko se država ne ogranici na redistributivne aktivnosti [25], vec i sama preuzme ulogu investitora u sektore ekonomije koji nisu dovoljno profitabilni. Državne investicije trebalo bi da otklone uska grla, ali da bi se to postiglo treba da dode do novog socijalnog ugovora. Razmatranje ovog problema, pak, autori ostavljaju otvorenim.
IDakle, svest o potrebi prevazilaženja dihotomije sistemske i socijalne integracije, odnosno analitickog razdvajanja struktura i aktera, dobija na znacaju u radovima urbanih sociologa, jer se ci-njenica da akteri modifikuju institucije, bilo da to ukljucuje sukobe i/ili kooperaciju, može ignorisati samo pod pretpostavkom potpuno nerefleksivnog društva. Ono što se u radovima urbanih sociologa, takode, prepoznaje jeste problem nejednake mogucnosti uticaja razlicitih socijalnih grupa na institucionalna rešenja, naime, jedno stanje stvari za odredene grupe se može ukazivati kao institucionalna neminovnost, dok za druge ono može predstavljati produkt željene strategije.
U ovom kontekstu relevantna je problematizacija delatnog potencijala socijalnih aktera na oblikovanje stambene i urbane politike u okolnostima koje obeležavaju poslednje decenije. Naime, jakim programima države blagostanja korespondirale su stabilne asocijacije (sindikalna i druga udruživanja), kao i hegemoni blokovi unutar civilnog društva. To su bili prepoznatljivi, organizovani akteri koji su, s jedne strane, bili dovoljno solidarni i sposobni da definišu zajednicke zahteve, te dovoljno mocni da ih nametnu državi, a, s druge strane, omogucavali su državnom aparatu precizno prepoznavanje korisnika tih programa. Promene socijalne strukture poslednjih decenija u pravcu disolucije standardnih socijalnih pozicija cine da prethodne organizacione forme više nisu u stanju da obezbede procese pregovaranja, saradnje i/ili konflikata socijalnih aktera u sve heterogenijem društvu. To je uslovljeno fragmentacijom socio-ekonomskih uslova života socijalnih grupa i njihovih interesnih dispozicija, koje presecaju granice klasa i klasnih organizacija, što inicira i individualni problem kodiranja vlastitog socijalnog položaja, posebno u uslovima dinamizma socijalne pozicije tokom životnog ciklusa.
Medutim, za uticaj socijalnih aktera na institucionalne sfere gradskog života neophodan je odredeni stepen zajednickog identiteta, a sve je ociglednije da socijalni akteri imaju mnogostruke identitete u skladu sa kojima i formulišu svoje zahteve. Upravo stoga mnogi autori i reafirmišu znacaj lokalnog identiteta i lokalnog institucionalnog umrežavanja. Poseban problem namece se i jacanjem procesa globalizacije koji uslovljava specificne zahteve, ponekad protivrecne i normama definisanim u nacionalnim okvirima, za šta se rešenje medu teoreticarima socijalne politike nalazi u resursima supranacionalnih institucija, kao što je Evropska zajednica (Ellison, 1997: 707). Medutim, istraživanja u oblasti stambene i urbane politike ukazuju da su ove oblasti još iskljucivo upucene na nacionalnu regulativu, bez obzira što procesi ekonomske integracije itekako uticu na izmene principijelnih postavki ovih politika u nacionalnim okvirima (Chapman i Murie, 1996: 308).
Iako je napad liberalno-konzervativne ideologije na programe države blagostanja, samim tim i stambene i urbane politike, argumentovan pretežno teorijom racionalnog izbora, cni se opravdanim Offeovo upozorenje da, sa sociološkog stanovišta, kriticna varijabla zapravo postaje pojam zajednickih interesa i pripadnosti na osnovu kojih akteri ne kalkulišu racionalno samo svoje troškove i dobiti vec i delaju na osnovu poverenja u druge ljude i institucije (Offe, 1996: 167). To svakako upucuje na neophodnost prevazilaženja svih teorijskih jednostranosti, tipa prostornog ili ekonomskog determinizma, te tržišne paradigme u sociologiji grada, kao i svesti o ogranicenosti dometa teorija srednjeg obima (na primer, teorije kolektivne potrošnje, teorije o stambenim klasama ) na kojima se eksplikacija u posebnim sociologijama mora zasnivati, ali je valjana samo ukoliko je adekvatno povezana sa opštom sociološkom teorijom, što obezbeduje potreban oprez u proceni znacaja koji takva teorija može i treba da dobije.
University of
DEO TEXTA PREUZET IZ
Beograd Izvorni naucni clanak
Filozofski fakultet
UDK: 316.334.56

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Ženke šimpanza naučile zajedništvo

 

 

Često izložene agresiji mužjaka, ženke šimpanza u jednoj grupii na istoku Afrike shvatile su da prava snaga leži u zajedništvu te su se udruženo suprotstavile agresoru.

Studija koju je objavio dr. Nicholas Newton-Fisher, predavač biološke antropologije na Sveučilištu Kent, govori o istraživanju provedenom 2003. i 2004. godine u zajednici čimpanza s osam mužjaka i 21 odraslom ženkom u šumi Bundongo u Ugandi.

Newton-Fisher uočio je česte napade mužjaka na ženke, koji su povremeno bili i vrlo teški. Onda je od sept.-nov. 2003. uočio, a onda je odjednom svedočio zajedničkom protivnapadu ženki na agresora. Ženke su takođe svedočile fizičkim napadima na mužjaka koji je bio agresivan prema drugim ženkama, a u nekoliko ih je situacija vidio kako traže potporu nakon što su same bile izvrgnute napadu.

U gotovo polovini tih protivnapada ženke su stvorile savez od dve do šest članica, koji se suprotstavljao agresivcu ispuštanjem krikova, pretećim gestovima i ganjanjem napadača kako bi ga i fizički kaznile. Ženke su intervenirale čak i kada su bile daleko od mjesta sukoba, odgovarajući na pozive u pomoć.

Uprkos decenijama pomnih biheviorističkih studija velikih populacija i činjenice da je slično ponašanje kod zatočenih životinja već primećeno, sve do studije dr. Newton-Fishera u divljini nije bila zabeležena zajednička odmazda ženki na agresiju. "Ženke divljih šimpanza oformile su savez kao strategiju suprotstavljanja agresivnim mužjacima", kaže dr. Newton-Fisher. "Ova strategija možda smanji teške posledice mužjačke agresivnosti. Zašto to rade za sada nije jasno, ali stepen zajedničke odmazde koji sam vidio među šimpanzama u šumi Budongo možda je posledica činjenice da su ženke društvenije nego u drugim zajednicama šimpanzi na istoku Afrike, barem kako je to opisano u drugim naučnim radovima o istim skupinama."

"Osim toga, potpuna odsutnost sličnih izvještaja o drugim populacijama čimpanzi ukazuje da su za stvaranje saveza potrebni određeni uslovi – kao što su ekologija, demografija i lokalna tradicija", kaže dr. Newton-Fisher. "Na ruku im ide način podjele hrane, ako zbog njega skupina ženki može zajednički provoditi vrijeme. Pitanje jesu li jednostavno reagovale na pretnju mužjaka ili zbog toga jer su već prije izgradile odnos međusobnog pomaganja, pitanje je budućih studija", kaže britanski istraživač.

Studija dr. Nicholasa Newton-Fishera objavljena je u magazinu International Journal of Primatology.

 

TACKLING SOCIAL EXCLUSION THROUGH CREATIVE ACTIVITIES
This infoleaflet aims to introduce the concept of social exclusion and to present examples of creative projects tackling social exclusion in the context of anti-racist activity
 

Social exclusion and racism
Racism and discrimination are possible results of social exclusion. People who are socially excluded can become both victims and perpetrators of racism. The first victims of racist violence will always be groups that do not enjoy the same rights and chan-ces as the majority of society, like migrants, religi-ous or cultural minorities, homeless people The history of persecution of Sinti and Roma or of the Jews during the period of Nazism
shows clearly the way from social exclusion to racially motivated genocide.
Violence, discrimination and racism have frequently as reasons: social insecurity, a high rate of unemployment, a lack of perspectives, the feeling of powerlessness, social isolation, "coldness" of society, and many more subjective impressions or objective facts. A society that is split in many small, mutually fighting groups, is easy to govern and control. If employed people quarrel with unemployed people about a decreasing number of jobs, they will not find the time to think about the
cause of it and to fight against exploitation and the worsening of social conditions.
If you want to fight and abolish racism and discrimination you need to point out its causes and offer people secure perspectives for their future. There will be no societal peace without social justice, equal opportunities and fairness in distribution and participation.
The climate of social peace within our society can only be secured if there is support for justice and equal treatment as well as prevention of racism, exclusion and discrimination. In order to reach that we need to become aware of our responsibility for people who are socially disadvantaged. It includes political, legal and social equality for immigrants. The fight against racism and discrimination is also a fight for better living conditions for everybody and for more democracy.
Social exclusion in Europe
Some European countries are relatively prosperous, and the strength of their economies generates considerable wealth and creates jobs. Both are essential for sustaining high standards of living and quality of life. Moreover, the member states of the European Union have developed comprehensive mechanisms to ensure a degree of redistribution of the prosperity resulting from the competitive economy, in particular through their social protection systems. However, a significant number of Europeans still live in poverty and are subject to social exclusion because of structural barriers. Social exclusion can be a breeding ground for right-wing extremism.
 
CONTENTS
1. WHAT DOES SOCIAL EXCLUSION MEAN?
2. WHAT LEADS TO SOCIAL EXCLUSION?
3. EXAMPLES OF GOOD PRACTICE
3.1 Example 1 Empowerment of marginalised kids in Czechia
3.2 Example 2 Tach Theatre Chemnitz - Theatre project for and with disadvantaged women & men
4. CONCLUSION
 
 
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1. WHAT DOES SOCIAL EXCLUSION MEAN?
Social exclusion can be defined in two different ways. In the first way it is used as a synonym for income poverty and refers specifically to people who are not attached to the paid labour market (exclusion from paid workforce) or to those in low-wage jobs.
A broader definition refers to much more than material poverty. The final reports on the European Union Poverty Programmes1 systematically articulated social exclusion in this complex way. These reports identified that exclusion was multidimensional, that it involved a lack of resources and/or denial of social rights and that exclusion was a dynamic process. The processes of exclusion result in multiple deprivations, the breaking of family ties and social relationships, and loss of identity and purpose. Therefore social exclusion has important cultural and psychological aspects.
It is in this broad sense the concept of social exclusion can be useful for developing a different and more complex understanding of the factors that lead to well-being and relative advantage on the one hand, and disparities, inequalities and relative disadvantage between members of a community on the other hand.
The concept of social exclusion is distinct in comparison to previously used concepts, such as poverty and marginalisation, by its strong emphasis on process rather than condition. These processes are of both individual and societal nature. Thus, privations of specific social or economic conditions does not necessary mean that an individual or group of individuals are excluded. However, it means that they become more vulnerable to social exclusion.
Although often taken together, poverty and social exclusion show substantial differences, both on the conceptual as well as on the empirical level. The main distinction concerns the basic assumption underlying each approach: whereas poverty concentrates on the just distribution of material resources, social exclusion asks for ensured social participation and integration.
 
2. WHAT LEADS TO SOCIAL EXCLUSION?
Social exclusion is caused by key risk factors such as:
Long-term unemployment
(the most obvious immediate, statistically valid factor of exclusion)
- Insecure, low paid, low quality employment
- Low level of education, illiteracy and e-illiteracy
- Growing up in a vulnerable family (e.g. single parent, large family, domestic violence)
- Disability, poor health
- Living in an area of multiple deprivation (crime, drugs, anti-social behaviour)
- Homelessness and precarious housing conditions
- Racism and discrimination based on ethnicity
- Stigmatising instutionalisation (prisons, institutional care, psychiatric institutions)
These factors can be reduced to three dimensions:
- Social network: constituted by the people you can rely on, such as family, close friends,
neighbours, colleagues, etc.
- Social status: has to do with prestige (the way society sees you)
- Work: having a paid job, as well as the income you receive through this work
The most privileged are those who have a well paid job, a good social network and a high social status, for example a manager. On the ex-treme opposite there are the people who are unemployed, do not have a good social network or a high social status, such as the homeless. In between we find the fragile groups such as immigrants who are employed, have a family and friends, but have no social status because they belong to a disadvantaged ethnic minority. We must also remember that the three dimensions interact; they influence each other.
 
3. EXAMPLES OF GOOD PRACTICE
The following project descriptions are examples of creative projects that work against social exclusion in Germany and the Czech Republic. Of course no single project can change the whole of society. But they help to strengthen people personally, widen their horizons and choices in life and therefore help to (re)discover their resources. Participants get the chance to find out that it is worth to take personal responsibility and therefore participate more directly in civil society.

3.1 Example 1 Empowerment of marginalised kids in Czechia
"Even two years ago, I was an ´ace´ - no rules made by adults applied to me. I lead a small gang of teenagers from the neighbourhood. We were smoking grass, writing graffiti against Gypsies and sometimes we beat up somebody whom we did not like. I got into problems with the police and was put into a special institution. Once, some guy from Duha took several of us to Prague, for the Huckleberry Finn´s Weekend. This was something I had never known before. Such things were much better and with much more fun. I want to help organize something in our "trap" for the others. What I was doing before was just a boring waste of time.
Jaroslav B., 16 years, DVU Orlova
Duha (Rainbow - Children's and Youth Association for Leisure-time, Nature and Fun) is a nation-wide Czech NGO with more than 5.000 members in more than 100 local groups. Some of them run projects of highest importance. The group "Psohlavci" ("Dogheads") from the city of Karvina at the Czech-Polish border has been working with youngsters from many foster homes and upbringing institutions in the country. In the circumstances of Czechia, the majority of this part of young population are Roma kids.
The objectives of the long-term activities are:
- Awareness-raising for children in orphanages about human rights, especially children's
rights
- Motivation to live without violence with the help of positive examples
- Education for tolerance and integrative lifestyle, against racism and right-wing extremism
- Empowerment of children from minorities (Roma)
- Information flow among orphanages
After several years, these activities developed in a whole rainbow-like spectrum with many partners.
Huckleberry Finn´s Weekends:
Three to five hundred kids from different foster homes are taken to Prague where they are actively involved in many activities like adventure sightseeing, competitions, creative arts. They have never got a chance to see the capital city before. The completely new environment takes them out of their daily lives and gives them a strong impulse to change their behaviour.
Magazine "Zamecek" ("Castle"):
It is a monthly magazine which is distributed for free to all foster homes and upbringing institutions through the country. Its quality can compete with commercial products and there is a whole network of children, correspondents and editors, who create substantial parts of the magazine themselves.
It creates a feeling of ownership and solidarity even among the "bad" kids. To motivate them for improvement, there are long-term competitions announced and co-ordinated by the magazine. The correspondents and editors participate in regular training courses and a summer camp to develop their skills. Since 1997, 40 issues with 2000 copies each were published. There are also supplements: Pexeso (memory game), school timetable, CD with songs by talented orphanage children and others.
Ales Valenta's Saltos:
This is one of the long-term competitions. Ales Valenta is a winner of the Winter Olympic Games in Acrobatic Jumping. He has become very popular in the small country as an idol of the youth. He agreed to become the patron of the competition. His winning jump is composed of five complicated saltos. Every month, a task is published in "Zamecek" in order to improve some abilities (psychological or intellectual) which the kids need for the "salto", including courage or respect for the others. The kids report back to the magazine the progress they have made. The best ones get an invitation to the Huckleberry Finn's Weekend or to join the editorial board of the magazine.
Participation:
Duha association has been running the national network of children's and youth parliaments with the National Children's and Youth Parliament. This is a participatory tool through which youngsters learn how to change their environment in a democratic way without violence. The Roma kids would hardly get a chance to speak in the premises of the Parliament of the Czech Republic, should they undergo elections among the Czech majority in municipalities. Therefore a special branch of the elections is being organized in the foster homes where the kids elected their representatives to the NCYP. Their interventions in the parliament are then reported in Zamecek and on the website. It gives empowerment not only to themselves but to all kids in the homes, especially the Roma.

Target groups and targets:
Unemployed women and men gather together for one year in order to play theatre. It happens on the basis of a so-called job creation scheme. One result of their work will be a theatre play, which is based on the biographies of the participants. This theatre play offers incredible experiences for themselves and the audience. It is an example for an unusual, innovative, reintegrating way of change. It's a reflection of both the world and the personal life. In the spotlight are human beings that have been unemployed for several years. Ordinary people, apparently without special talents, someone might call them losers of society. They owe nothing except certain courage to say "yes" to an experience with themselves and to let themselves in - for others, for something different, for themselves, for an audience. They have decided to stand on a stage ­ in the front line.
Methods:
Inspired by Augusto Boal's idea of "the theatre of the oppressed", work at tach theatre is based on three basic constituents:
· A - Artistically accompanied work on one's own biography
· B - Theatre work
· C - Education and learning
A. Artistically accompanied work on biographies:
The theatre plays will be the result of interviews and biographical texts of the participants. Working on one's own biography starts with a confidential interview. The questions focus on the participants' view of their past, their present and possible future. Behind their perceptions there appear their views of society and its structures and their view on the extent of dependence or freedom.
The individual participant is responsible for his/her own limits on what he/she is willing to talk about and at which speed. It is interesting to find out about subjective perspectives of the participant who expresses his/her personal truth. The subjective view on the past and present can change. This allows a belief in a different future, too. The texts are written down and deepened. The participant who offered the story needs to give his/her approval to the story in order to use it in the play.
B. Theatre work
Theatre work gives the participants the experience of being able to give a reasonable performance even in stressful situations. The participants' experience occurs on a cognitive and emotional level. Acting in a theatre play is active action to change situations, ask questions and search for answers.
The participants can compare their ideas with reality by working on observations, recollections, verbal and nonverbal communication, self-perception and perception of others, certain situations, conflicts and possible solutions. This will help them to improve their competence in action and communication.
Acting in front of the group and of an audience strengthens self-confidence, self-esteem and the belief in free actions and possibilities. There is a focus on social contexts and forces as well as on the individuals and on the audience. This allows to recognize certain structures and to try out processes of change in a clearly defined and protected area.
The main act: The parts are subject to change. The actors need to verify their relation to their part, their character and its original person, as well as their relation to the other parts, the play as a whole, its structures and its audience. The experience of self-effectiveness and the work on authentic material within the play, liberates the participants from perceived determined structures and powerlessness, allowing the transformation to self-sufficient, responsible, and critical acting subjects. Tach theatre wants to find solutions in contradictions and to show ways to liberation.
C. Education and learning, group dynamics and processes
The centre of work at tach theatre is the group. The whole process during the year is understood as an individual learning process that is reflected in large parts by the group. The group is an image of society, it bundles up different philosophies of life and different types of personalities. In this context learning happens through learning by conflicts. The target of social learning is to support the competence for self-organized learning. The improvement of team ability, independence, the ability for reflection, cooperation and delimitation contribute to more autonomy, social participation and personal change.
Additionally to the work in the group there is individual and political education. This ranges from argumentation of visions, actual topics, plans and models of society to profiling, developing on projects and analysis of learning styles. Education and learning and the intense reflection of group processes and group dynamics allow the participants to understand personal experiences, perceptions and changes in a social and political context. The offering of education and learning confronts the participants with visions, alternatives and models of solutions. This makes a change of previous attitudes and modes of thinking possible.
Resumee:
After one year, the participants will end their participation in Tach theatre. The labour market has not improved, but most of the participants experienced personal change. The euphoria of the premiere is over, but dignity is going to stay.
Contact for more information:
· Tach - Alma Institut für soziale & kulturelle Bildung e.V · Karl-Liebknecht-Str. 19
 

4. CONCLUSION
Creative activities can help in the fight against racism and social exclusion. They alone cannot change the economic base of social exclusion but they contribute significantly to regaining self-confidence of their participants inspiring them to become active agents of positive change for themselves and for society. Please feel free to contact the organisations listed below to find out more about their projects in the field of social exclusion and to exchange experiences and ideas.

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Psihosocijalno Savetovaliste
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Humano Urbane mreze